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GOVERNMENT INFORMATION
ON POLISH FOREIGN POLICY IN 2006
presented by
Minister of Foreign Affairs of Poland
prof.
Stefan Meller
Mister President,
Mister Speaker,
Mister Prime Minister,
Members of the House,
Every year at this time the Sejm holds a debate on Polish foreign policy. As
you review the
records of these debates over the years you can see both continuity,
reflected in the
fundamental goals in the international arena, and change – determined by the
attainment of
the objectives that we set forth in the early Nineties. Today, it is evident
how much has
changed with regard to Poland’s security, development and position. We are
not alone in
guarding our security, since we have the support of our NATO allies. We have
been given
prospects of accelerated development through our membership of the European
Union. The
stature of Poland has been clearly enhanced by the membership of both these
powerful
structures of the Western world, as well as by our significant international
activity,
commensurate with Polish ambitions and potential.
Only several years ago our present attainments would have seemed elusive and
improbable, as did Poles’ erstwhile dreams of independence. And yet they
have been transformed into reality.
The upsurge of courage, initiative and resourcefulness, released by the
great social movement of Solidarity gave enormous momentum to our actions
aimed at resurrecting and rebuilding an independent and sovereign Poland.
What is most important, however, is that this momentum in all areas of
activity of the State and Nation has inculcated a truly Promethean spirit,
inspiring people to confront greater challenges and consolidating
determination to achieve their goals.
Naturally, the advancement was not all smooth. The process of
transformations encountered
resistance of the residues of post-communism, and there was no shortage of
difficulties and
pitfalls. We should remember how low was the point of our civilizational
departure, how
mediocre the economic condition of Poland in the late Eighties. When you
consider all these
modalities, when you compare them with transformations in other countries,
the measure of
progress becomes more apparent. It also becomes evident how far we have
departed from the bad Polish tradition of negligence and inaction. The
listing of Polish achievements and
successes justifies the claim that a modern political culture is being
formed in Poland, based
on self-confidence and courage, which in turn are integrally linked to
prudence and
knowledge. Perhaps that is the reason why our Western partners increasingly
refer to the
assertiveness of Poles, our readiness to tackle tough problems, our skill
and consistency in
standing up for our interests.
It is only natural that the momentum of Polish transformations has been
accompanied by a
corresponding drive in Polish foreign policy. That momentum has prompted us
to set
ambitious goals in foreign policy and fulfill challenging tasks, so as to
lend optimum support
to the project of reconstruction and change. The effectiveness of the
transformations, in turn,
enhanced the positive image of Poland in Europe and around the world, giving
inspiration and
flair to diplomatic work. You could say that Poland’s success in internal
policy became a
crucial component of its international success.
Mister Speaker,
Members of the House,
Present-day Poland is firmly anchored in NATO and the European Union. We are
linked in a
strategic partnership with the United States. Good neighborly relations bind
us with all our
neighbors. I wish to mention one more country at this point, at the
beginning of my speech,
namely Ukraine. The recent Polish-Ukrainian relations have become a special
part of our
history and our new consciousness. Considering our past, it would be hard to
believe several
years ago, that Poland might become such an important part of Europe’s
Eastern policy and
that Poland would be a key supporter of Ukrainian democracy or Ukrainian
rebirth. I think
that our relations reflect, in a particular way, our place in Europe and in
the world, as well as
our international activity and a truly European, conciliatory identity.
Safe and confident, we must now undertake fundamental toil of matching our
Western allies
and partners in the economic and social spheres, of overcoming
civilizational
underdevelopment, resulting from the stagnation and chaos characteristic of
socialist
construction of the People’s Republic of Poland. A development leap is both
an ambitious and
difficult task. Yet, as once Poland grasped independence, so it must grasp
modernity. The
time we have is short and determined by the rate of growth inside and
outside the Union, by
related international economic competition, including that in our region, as
well as by
advances in science and technology. These will define Poland’s place in
international division
of labor and the resultant economic security of the country, which is
essential for
modernization and sustained growth of the Polish economy. That in turn will
reflect on our
position and potential to act effectively on the international scene in
pursuit of Poland’s
interests. It will enable us to erase, once and for all, stereotypes of a
coarse but cocky Poland,
barefooted but in stirrups; a Poland that aspires to a role that surpasses
its true capacity and
potential, and which, in consequence, loses in confrontation with the
powerful of this world.
If we are to make optimum use of the vast possibilities given by the
European Union
membership, we must elaborate a studied, analysis-based strategy for our
actions in the
Union. This is facilitated by the period of reflection inside the Union,
which should address
not only institutional change but also restitution of the Europeans’ faith
in the integration
project. This period of reflection should be treated in Poland as an impulse
for a broader
debate on our EU strategy. In particular, we should ask ourselves what kind
of a Union we
want. And to answer that, we should determine what vision of the future
Union is best attuned
to our key goals in three main areas:
- first, accelerated development and civilizational advancement;
- second, the requirements of broadly perceived security, taking into
account
transatlantic dimension and the role of the United States;
- third, the consolidation of our position as a reliable member of the
European
community, capable of skillfully harmonizing own and community interests.
I would like to add that while considering the matter of the future of
Europe, the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs counts on cooperation with the Parliament. We hope to be
able to debate this
issue together with you, Honorable Members, and to work out a common
denominator for our
thinking about European Union and Poland’s place in it.
Let me briefly focus on our present and future position in the European
Union. The Union is a
successful and – what’s more – unique political project as regards the level
of policy
integration of the respective member states. You could say that European –
and also
transatlantic – integration has removed the curse of a centuries-long,
essentially conflict-prone
system of the balance of power in Europe, which caused the continent to be
dominated by a
concert of powers, at the expense of weaker and smaller states. That does
not mean that in an
integrated Europe the national interests of the member states have been
subordinated to the
rule of Brussels and have, in effect, disappeared. The Union states have
divergent interests
and their pursuit requires appropriate negotiating procedures. Concern for
national interests
must not, however, degenerate into a clash of national egoisms, contrary to
community
interests. Such egoisms sometimes make their presence known in the Union,
especially on the
part of the Union powers, and I consider them dangerous to our interests and
would like to see
safety measures to prevent the Union from being split up into exclusive
subgroups, whose
interests would overshadow those of the community. The Union as a whole
should be an area
of healthy competition – without which the Western civilization would be
doomed to atrophy
– and concomitantly of the inseparable, rational elaboration of the
directions and principles of
cooperation.
Poland’s main contribution to such a Union can be our vigor, initiative, and
ability to reach
compromise and conclude alliances. This has been demonstrated by the success
of the Polish
delegation headed by Premier Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz during the European
Council in
December 2005. We clearly showed that in the process of decision-making, the
Union must
take the Polish point of view into account. And it is not about thinking in
terms of “winners or
losers”. Not at all. It is about having a substantial share in the common
success. Attainment of
such success will be easier if the rules of the process have a sturdy
foundation. The matter
should be resolved through an honest debate, conducted in a spirit of
historic duty and
responsibility for a Poland that is modern, strong and respected in Europe
and around the
world.
At the same time we should listen with utmost attention to the opinions of
our Union partners
concerning the Constitutional Treaty. They are quite divergent. Thus, we are
dealing with an
equation with many unknowns which requires a deeply premeditated reaction on
our part.
Honorable Members,
This year we should define priority areas for cooperation within the Union
and the
instruments of its effective operation. An important place here is occupied
by issues relating
to energy security. We will seek a reassessment in perception of these
problems by our
partners in the Union and in America, in order to elaborate – possibly
within the whole
Western system – a comprehensive strategy of energy security, and to involve
Poland in its
implementation. We will pay due attention to other looming problems that
increasingly affect
or could affect Poland: the problem of ageing of European societies, and the
closely related
question of recruiting foreign labor, particularly through migration from
non-European
countries, including Muslim ones. We are not losing sight of the
implications of this
phenomenon for relations within European societies, for cultural adaptation
and social
stability.
We will consistently affirm our position concerning the need for creating a
single market in
the Union through eradicating all barriers to implementation of the four
freedoms, particularly
the freedom of movement of persons and services. We are grateful to Great
Britain, Sweden,
and Ireland for not blocking access of Polish workers to their labor
markets; we know that
Poles employed there are working well and contribute to economic growth of
those countries
and of the Union as a whole. We expect that also other states open their
labor markets to
Polish citizens. We will become active in the discussion on the European
Social Model. We
feel that the principle of solidarity is the central element here. It
recognizes the need for
healthy competition and honest rivalry as the core values of Western
civilization. They must
not be allowed to degenerate, leading to social Darwinism, however.
Similarly, the need for
assistance and support – rooted in the principle of solidarity – should
stimulate pro-active
attitudes, rather than inducing indolence and advancement of claims. The
other key factor
affecting the Social Model is economic growth, which leads to the creation
of new and – more
importantly – “dignified” jobs, securing individual development and
satisfaction for the
citizens of the Union.
The invigoration of economic growth throughout the Union would be served by
implementation of a modified Lisbon Strategy. In a globalized world the
future will be
claimed by those who effectively cope with the challenges of modern
free-market competition
and win thanks to their better knowledge and professionalism, innovation and
creative
attitudes. We will strive to upgrade the competitiveness of the Polish
economy, becoming
involved in research and development cooperation, including research
projects financed by
the Union. We expect that true to the principle of solidarity, Poland will
obtain Union support
for the development of its scientific research.
Naturally, Poland’s accelerated economic development will hinge on
implementation of the
decisions of last December’s European Council, which resulted in compromise
over the
budget for the years 2007-2013. We will seek a quickest possible conclusion
of the work on
the package of legislation concerning the New Economic Perspective, so that
its actual
implementation is possible from 1 January 2007.
Honorable Members,
The economic dimension of the Union is obviously of key importance. However,
we would
like to see the Union continue its evolution from a primarily economic
project toward a
comprehensive architecture of institutional, political, and social
solutions, so that a solidary
Union of Societies and Politicians gains strength alongside the Union of
Entrepreneurs and
Bookkeepers. We attach particular significance to the efficient operation of
the decision-
making mechanism, which, so far – as demonstrated by the December summit –
largely
depended on the good political will and ability to compromise on the part of
the major Union
states. We believe, therefore, in the need of precisely such collaboration –
based on good will
and compromise – of the states that feel a particular responsibility for the
Union, and for
building its strong and efficient foundations and mechanisms.
An important test of the political will and potential for collaboration will
come with the
elaboration of the European Union’s common foreign policy, equipped with
suitable
executive instruments. In particular – through appointment of the Union’s
foreign minister
and creation of the EU External Action Service. The Common Foreign and
Security policy is
the emanation of Union’s activity in this field. We will work for its
consolidation and
deepening. The East European direction is a promising area of development
for the Union’s
foreign policy. It is high time for the Union’s decisions and actions – and
particularly those of
the respective member states – to be based on solid foundations of deep and
rationalized
knowledge about Russia, Ukraine and other states of Eastern Europe. We are
not only
prepared to share such knowledge, but also to be actively involved in
elaborating appropriate
decisions. We know that such is the expectation of our Union partners. We
are particularly
pleased by the relevant initiatives of Germany.
Poland consistently supports the enlargement of the European Union. We feel
that the Big
Bang enlargement of 2004 invigorated the Union, rejuvenating it with new
enterprise,
creativity, and energy of the states and societies of Central and Eastern
Europe. Admittedly,
on occasion, it also aroused stereotypes, symbolized by “the Polish
plumber”, that were
unfriendly to Poland. However, the balance sheet of gains and losses clearly
shows
dominance of the former. If the Union wants to unite everything that has
grown out of the
spirit of European civilization and has identified with its values, it has
to define the meaning
of European identity and the extent of its political and civilizational
borders. It must draw
appropriate conclusions from this. We should see interdependence between the
legal
foundations of the Union and the possibility of its further expansion –
something Poland
supports unequivocally.
Our knowledge of the region suggests that the Union’s borders should move
further to the east and south-east, embracing Ukraine as well. In the Union
debate on the subject, we will not limit ourselves merely to advocating our
own point of view. We will strive to ensure that
“enlargement fatigue” does not influence attitudes toward those states,
leading to their
exclusion in advance. We should be guided by strategic thinking and
long-term perspectives.
We will seek to ensure that the emerging Eastern Dimension of the Union’s
Neighborhood
Policy draws the countries involved closer to the Union. At the same time,
they should not be
doomed to the role of “eternal partners”. At least some of them – the ones
with a pro-
European orientation and advanced internal transformations – should be given
the prospect of
membership, however distant it may be.
The system of the European Union’s agreements and links with states and
institutions in,
practically, the entire world offers Poland a chance to utilize that system
for promotion as
well as political, economic, and cultural expansion far beyond our regional
backyard. It is a
profound challenge that puts us face to face with problems and opportunities
of globalization.
In Iraq we have demonstrated that we can cope with such challenges – but we
have to
transform them into opportunities, including development opportunities, and
not only in Iraq
and the Broader Middle East, but also in other regions enjoying particularly
rapid economic
growth.
Mister Speaker,
Members of the House,
In order to ensure Poland’s rapid economic growth, enabling us to narrow the
development
gap that separates us from the wealthy Western countries, we must not only
make use of our
membership of the European Union and other international economic
organizations, such as
the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development or the World Trade
Organization. We must not only be more active in world markets, wherever
niches for our
exports and investments appear, and wherever investments – including
advanced technologies
– can be attracted to Poland. In addition to obtaining sound knowledge and
elaborating
hierarchy of priorities and goals in this area, we must prepare suitable
instruments ensuring
effective operation.
In this context I will invoke two concepts: economization of diplomatic
activity and
promotion. We should make the most of the “5 minutes” of world’s attention
we enjoyed in
1989, and have again received nowadays, after the EU accession. Europe and
the rest of the
world – notwithstanding elements of criticism – are again curious about
Poland, our ideas
regarding further development, and opinions on the problems of our
neighbourhood and the
continent as a whole. The current interest in Poland assumes a very concrete
form, and may
be translated into offers of economic co-operation, imports of our goods,
common scientific
and cultural projects as well as an increase in foreign investments and
number of tourists
visiting Poland. We must not miss this opportunity.
Knowledge about Poland around the world is still limited, and our image is
often distorted
and obscured by stereotypes. There is no need to explain how this affects
attitudes and
willingness to do business with Poles. Hence, we must reform governmental
system of
promotion and finalize work on the basic promotional message on Poland,
which will be
disseminated internationally. The message will be clear: Poland is a
politically vigorous
country with a robust economy, fascinating culture, a moving history and
millions of young,
dynamic well-educated and open-minded people. If such an image is attuned to
the emerging
civilizational advancement of Poland, our political successes and economic
attainments, we
will see a gradual disappearance of views about Poland – both new and
historic – that are
rooted in ignorance, falsehood or bad will. Whilst promoting Poland, we will
adhere to the
principles of maximum objectivity. However, should we encounter problems –
such as lack of
good will or misinformation, especially in describing painful elements of
our history – we will
resolutely defend Poland’s good name.
In order to intensify promotional activity, particularly in the economic
sphere, we will
introduce appropriate changes and innovations. First of all, we will draft a
comprehensive
Strategy for Promotion of Poland in the Years 2007-2013, elaborating key
goals and methods
of promotion, including its preferred recipients. We will establish a
professional government
agency for economic promotion, modeled on the best examples of such
institutions in highly
developed countries. Most importantly, we will transform and consolidate the
so-called
economic diplomacy, bind it with other segments of the foreign service, so
that it is capable of
strategic planning and implementation of our economic interests abroad.
Honorable Members,
While promoting Poland around the world we must not forget about Polish
expatriates – the
Polonia, and the Polish national minorities. To some extent we will be also
promoting them –
the Poles scattered across all continents. We are hoping that they will
actively join in that
promotional campaign, feeling justified pride in their Polish roots. We will
encourage
representatives of the Jewish diaspora, emotionally linked to Poland and
remembering the
land of their forefathers, to support our promotional message abroad.
We will ensure that persons belonging to all groups of Polish expatriates
support economic
aspects of our activity abroad, whether in the promotional or business
sphere. We assume that this will constitute an important factor enhancing
economization of Polish foreign policy.
At the same time we will consistently provide support for the Polonia and
Polish minorities
abroad, particularly in the cultivation of their Polish roots and language.
We will resolutely
defend their rights wherever they are violated due to undemocratic practices
– as in Belarus.
It is important for the Government Program of Cooperation with the Polonia
and Poles
Abroad to be systematically upgraded and modified. In our opinion, the
Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, which deals with Polonia issues on a daily basis, should not only
be the coordinator
of the implementation of the Government Program, but also the main disposer
of the state
funds earmarked for the purpose. I would like to add one more remark. We are
considering
new methods of uniting Polonia. We have currently great numbers of young,
well-educated
Poles, working abroad. Large numbers of Polish intelligentsia. I believe it
is crucial that they,
this group of people functioning in the opinionmaking circles, come
together, and that we
work together with them.
Mister Speaker,
Members of the House,
In the present-day world we are confronted with non-traditional, often
dramatic challenges.
They necessitate appropriate adaptation of the regional and world
organizations, such as the
United Nations.
Poland will continue to be involved in the work on UN reform, particularly
concerning the
establishment of the Peacebuilding Commission, the Human Rights Council,
reform of the
Economic and Social Council, prevention of terrorism and elimination of the
shortcomings in
the regulations and mechanisms concerning disarmament and nonproliferation.
We will strive
to make the Security Council more effective and representative, also through
allocation of an
additional nonpermanent seat to the Eastern Europe regional group.
The aforementioned changes and other related actions should help reduce such
negative
global phenomena as the economic gap between the rich North and the poor
South, the
dishonest appropriation or waste of assistance resources by corrupt regimes
that are usually
undemocratic or even authoritarian. The vicious circle of poverty, misrule
and frequent
political oppression drives societies in the South into deep social and
cultural frustration, and
blind fury, which turns against the powerful of this world – the prosperous
countries of the
West, seen as patrons of those corrupt and repressive regimes. In that
disorientation and
anger, religion becomes a discernible point of reference, particularly in
Muslim societies.
Subjected to serious misinterpretations, it is transformed into ideological
call for a global
revenge against the world of “the rich and infidel”. However, we should
remember that the
proportion of the fundamentalist fanatics, particularly those who resort to
armed terrorism, is
low, and that their terrorist activity targets not only Westerners. “Local
tyrants” rarely fall
victim to terrorist attacks; more often they hit other Muslims who call for
modernization and
oppose authoritarianism, whether lay or exploiting religion. And most
frequently, the victims
are ordinary, innocent people. This is eloquently illustrated by Iraq. We
are dealing there with
a “hot” civil war between forces seeking modernity and normalcy, and forces
pushing toward
the darkness of traditionalism and seclusion. Many Muslim countries are
experiencing the
“cold” version of that war. It is the region of the Broader Middle East
where all gravest
dilemmas, challenges and threats of the modern world have become most
intertwined.
Can those challenges and threats be effectively confronted by the United
Nations, whose
members also include states that are devoid of credibility, that are
dictatorial and
authoritarian, with regimes that condone fanaticism and terrorism, or states
that are weak and “failed’? There is no simple response to this question.
However, it must be assumed that the potential of the UN has not become
exhausted, and that with a suitable reform of the whole structure it
can be duly activated and utilized.
The states and institutions of the Euro-Atlantic zone attach top
significance to the promotion
of global democratization and modernization. In recent years, much has been
said in Western
states about preemptive and preventive military strikes as an effective way
of averting
terrorist attacks. It seems, however, that prevention can be made even more
effective by
addressing the core factors generating the non-traditional threats,
including terrorism, and by
eliminating or substantially curtailing them. This requires undertakings
that are protracted and
costly, but which ultimately are more effective than even the most brilliant
military victories.
Since the time of Kant it has been known that democratic societies, guided
by a collective
common sense, are more predictable and – even more importantly – more
peaceful, than
societies subjected to the oppressiveness of autocracy and authoritarianism.
Let me repeat: we consider political and economic preventive actions to be
the most effective and least risk-
prone method of counteracting terrorism and other non-traditional threats.
However, it does
happen on occasion, as it is in Iraq, that a military ultima ratio becomes
unavoidable.
Honorable Members,
Our centuries-long tradition of struggle for freedom and independence and,
particularly, the
experience gained in our successful transformation, constitute a kind of
rich political know-
how, which predestines Poland to concern itself with human rights, and the
right to
democracy and free market. This is also connected with the fulfillment of
our obligations to
provide development aid – something that will gain increasing prominence in
our
international activity. We will support efforts to attain sustainable
development, reduce
poverty and hunger and find new sources of financing aid for the least
developed countries.
We will continue to implement these actions through the UN, European Union,
Organization
for Security and Cooperation in Europe, to name just a few prominent
organizations in this
field. We will continue our activity in the framework of the Community of
Democracies,
founded six years ago at an international conference in Warsaw, considering
it a significant
instrument of support for the democratization initiatives undertaken within
the framework of
the UN and by major democratic states. We will actively implement the
conclusions of the
Third Summit of the Council of Europe, held last May in Warsaw, and become
especially
engaged in the work of the Forum on the Future of Democracy, established by
a decision of
the Summit. All in all, you could say that the above plans and actions have
imparted upon us
the role of an advocate of international solidarity, sensitive to the needs
of countries in our
immediate and more distant proximity, particularly those in which our
actions may have
actual impact on positive transformations. Poland is country that is open to
others and we
want the world to know it.
We recognize the strategic significance of the broadly-perceived region of
the Middle East as
the addressee of many Western initiatives – to mention the Union’s Barcelona
Process or the
American initiative of a Broader Middle East, designed to stimulate
modernization and
democratization in the countries of the region. We are prepared to become
involved in them.
We wish to expand our participation in the stabilization mission in Iraq by
providing training
and counseling, particularly for the non-military personnel of the reborn
civil service and self-
government administration.
Eastern Europe remains a particularly important region where Poland supports
systemic
transformations, democratization and human rights. We note with satisfaction
that the Polish
example may serve as inspiration for the activity of the Ukrainian elite and
society,
disappointed by the model of transformations which are slow, and which
either preserve
certain attributes of post-Sovietism, or replicate certain bad solutions and
degenerated
practices, such as the oligarchic-clan system. We are deeply convinced that
the return of
authoritarianism in some states of Eastern Europe and Central Asia will not
last in the face of
the mounting democratization tendencies. With word and deed we will support
the formation
in those states of the civil society, aware of its inalienable rights.
Mister Speaker,
Members of the House,
The transatlantic community remains the cornerstone of our security. It is
now being
confronted by a new, non-traditional type of threats, rooted in a whole
array of phenomena
characteristic of the South, and especially the Broader Middle East. I have
already referred to
them. It is a peculiarity of these threats that they are not generated, as
during the Cold War, by
an ideological “empire of evil”, with all its attributes of state and
resources that can be
calculated or estimated, and with an identifiable leadership, which – though
faithful to the
doctrine – was prepared to negotiate its position, guided by the basic,
pragmatic desire to
survive. But, is it possible to locate the fundamentalist Internationale of
Terrorism on the map,
to define its material and human potential, to identify all its leaders, and
most of all – to come
to terms with the terrorists, for whom life has little value? It is only
with a limited certainty
that we can point out certain communities, where the evil of terrorism is
germinating, fed by
blind hatred and deeply distorted religious dictates. We can name certain
states, with despotic
regimes and terrorist practices, or states torn apart by internal strife and
in effect “failed”,
which were the mainstay, or to some degree the incarnation, of that
Internationale of
Terrorism.
The haziness and secretiveness of these threats, which – when manifested in
the form of
terrorists attacks – cause casualties comparable in number to the effects of
modern warfare,
pose a dilemma when it comes to their effective suppression. I have already
mentioned the
array of political and economic measures that, if deployed in advance, can
reduce and
eliminate the conflict-inciting tensions and frustrations among societies of
the South.
However, the actions of terrorists can only be rebuffed by force. What
instruments and
institutions should then be used for this purpose?
Poland believes, as do many of our allies, that the North Atlantic Alliance
should play the
leading role. Terrorist threats have their clear military or guerrilla
dimension, considering the
methods of warfare and particularly their consequences. We, therefore, feel
that NATO –
while retaining its original attributes of a defensive alliance – should
develop the capacities
that can serve suppression of terrorism, its state and non-state backers.
This requires an
appropriate modification of the military doctrine, allowing for the
operation of expeditionary
forces of the Alliance beyond the treaty zone. Such changes are already
under way, including
the creation of the NATO Response Force and the implementation of the Prague
Capabilities
Commitment. In this context one should mention the allied training mission
in Iraq and
NATO’s engagement in Afghanistan, where in 2007 Poland will assume the
command of the
international security forces (ISAF).
Together with other allies we are moving to strengthen the political
dimension of the North
Atlantic Alliance, which should not only remain the institutional keystone
of the Western
civilization, but also a forum for the elaboration of key strategic
decisions of the West. This
would be enhanced by an invigoration of internal Alliance dialog and of the
NATO-EU and
US-EU contacts, complementing transatlantic cooperation. We will campaign
for continuation
of the Alliance’s “open doors” policy, also with relation to Ukraine. That
country’s accession
to NATO would not only strengthen the Alliance, but would fundamentally
change the
geopolitical situation in our neighborhood, greatly benefiting Poland,
Ukraine and many other
states.
We will support the process of elaboration of the European Policy of
Security and Defense, so
as to make it complimentary to the capabilities and resources of NATO. This
applies, in
particular, to the collaboration of NATO’s Response Force and the Union’s
Battle Groups,
and also the implementation of joint projects in the field of the arms
industry, research and
high technologies. We will strive to make optimum use of the benefits of
that cooperation and
the work of the European Defense Agency.
We will actively contribute to the initiatives designed to prevent the
proliferation of weapons
of mass destruction, such as the initiative unveiled by President George W.
Bush during his
2004 visit to Krakow. I wish to pledge Poland’s support for the efforts of
our allies and
partners, aimed at finding satisfactory resolution to the problem of the
Iranian nuclear
program. Furthermore, I wish to inform you that we are continuing talks
concerning the
possible participation of Poland in the American missile defense system.
Mister President,
Mister Speaker,
Mister Prime Minister,
Members of the House,
In today’s world of global links and interactions, where an increasing role
is played by
multilateral relations and supra-national actors, the significance of
traditional bilateral
relations has somewhat diminished. Still, such relations remain prime
foundation of
international life. Taking up this issue I have chiefly in mind the fact
that President Lech
Kaczyński, during his New Year’s meeting with the diplomatic corps in early
January,
dwelled at length on the subject of bilateral relations. Fully agreeing with
the President’s
assessment of Poland’s relations with the respective states, I would like to
comment on certain questions concerning selected states with which Poland
has maintained special relations.
First of all, I wish to declare that we will continue to tighten the
strategic partnership with the
United States, which constitutes a significant factor of our security and
serves the
consolidation of the transatlantic links. High- and top-level bilateral
contacts are an important
component of this partnership. We have to mention here the recent visit to
the United States
by President Lech Kaczyński, visits to Washington by members of the
government, including
myself, and the recent, latest round of the Polish-American Strategic
Dialog. All these
meetings have confirmed that we communicate and collaborate with our
American partners as befits allies and friends. In addition to our excellent
political and military cooperation, we
would like to upgrade our economic cooperation and acquire American
investments and high
technologies. Energy cooperation is assuming particular importance. We will
try to persuade
world-renowned American research institutions to establish branches in
Poland. We will
consistently campaign for the lifting of the visa requirement for Poles
traveling to the US.
We are closely following the political evolution of the united Germany. We
believe that the
deep democratic transformations in that country over the last half century
have consolidated
its role as the bulwark of democracy and a proponent of European and
transatlantic
integration. In fulfilling that role Germany can count on its tested
friends, including Poland.
We remember well the important and favorable signals from the new German
leadership,
indicating a broadening of the area of close cooperation between Poland and
Germany. With
that in mind, we will lend an even more friendly and sincere character to
both the contacts of
representatives of the government and elite, and the relations between
ordinary Poles and
Germans. We have difficult history behind us and together we must struggle
for a good future
– for us and other nations of Europe.
France continues to evoke a reaction of affinity among Poles. This is an
excellent basis for
developing bilateral relations with that country, especially since we are
receiving encouraging
signals from the French side as well. The regular Polish-French summit
meetings are an
important factor enhancing better understanding and cooperation. I think
that the possibilities
lying in front of us were very well shown by the December summit in
Brussels.
The well developing relations with Germany and France will be reflected in
the tripartite
cooperation, which has been known for 15 years as the Weimar Triangle. Broad
possibilities
of tripartite collaboration are offered by activity within the Union,
particularly with regard to
urgent Union problems, joint approach to the question of transatlantic
relations and
coordination of the policy addressed to our eastern neighbors.
As concerns the above and other issues, we are also open to tight
cooperation with other
Western states, particularly Great Britain, Spain and Italy, although in
fact I should mention
all the countries here.
As both a Central European and Baltic country, we feel predestined to play
the role of a
keystone in regional cooperation, also involving the Scandinavian
sub-region. You could say
that the focus on the East-West axis, so characteristic of Polish foreign
policy, should be
increasingly supplemented with new accents and greater attention to the
North-South axis.
This is confirmed by the experience of the Visegrad cooperation, which is 15
years old
precisely today. It has passed the test of time and can still constitute a
good platform for
cooperation, e.g. on European Union issues or East European policy. Its
effectiveness would
be boosted if Baltic and Scandinavian partners joined in this cooperation on
matters of
common interest.
As concerns our relations with Russia, we particularly want them to be
normal and partner-
like, and to draw on the already tested spheres of cooperation, primarily
the economic one. I
wish to reciprocate the recent warm words of President Vladimir Putin and
agree that Poland
and Russia share a considerable potential of ethnic, historic and cultural
closeness. We must
activate it and use it to stimulate dialog at different levels and between
different communities,
particularly the political and opinion-making circles. It is in Poland’s
vital interest that a
modern Russian state be formed to the east of the Polish borders, a state
that does not seek
inspiration in its imperial heritage, but builds a new identity of a
credible and cooperative
country, and especially – a good neighbor. We feel that there are no
objective causes or
reasons in our relations with Russia which could hinder good-neighborly
cooperation based
on rationally formulated national interests. We will strive, creatively and
consistently, to
achieve and consolidate such a state of affairs in our relations with
Russia.
Inspired by the Orange Revolution, we will continue to support the fraternal
Ukrainian nation
in its difficult movement – marked by unexpected twists and turns – toward
modernity and
democracy. We note with satisfaction that Ukraine, with new pro-Western
elites resolutely
defending Ukrainian national interests and an emerging civil society, is
becoming a prominent
actor on the European political scene. We expect that the country will cope
with yet another
great test of democracy, namely the forthcoming parliamentary elections. On
our part, we will
spare no effort to ensure that the strategic partnership between our
countries is filled with new
content, enhancing the transformations in Ukraine. This applies in
particular to cooperation in
the political and military area, further orienting that country to achieve
high Western
standards and, in consequence, to obtain membership of Western institutions,
particularly
NATO. This also refers to energy cooperation.
Our relations with Belarus will depend on the development of the internal
situation in that
country, and especially on the extent to which its clearly undemocratic
regime continues to
undermine human and civil rights. The forthcoming presidential elections
will indicate how
the situation is developing. We are hoping for victory by the civic-minded
and democratic
forces of Belarus. However, we are concerned that the elections will be
conducted in
accordance with Stalin’s well-known adage that it is not who votes that
matters, it is who
counts the votes. If that were to be true, then it would be extremely
difficult to restore full-
fledged political relations between Poland and Belarus, particularly at the
top level. At the
same time, we will try to maintain pragmatically justified inter-ministry
contacts as well as
economic, cultural, legal and social cooperation. Most importantly, we will
continue to
support democratic and civic forces in Belarus, facilitating their access to
information through
the planned launching of a radio station broadcasting to that country.
I have already repeatedly referred to the growing significance of Poland’s
non-European
engagement – both political and economic. Special opportunities here are
offered in the
Middle East, where we notice not only profound challenges but also
trustworthy partners and
friends, both in the Arab countries and Israel. We see similar opportunities
in Asia. We will
continue to maintain good contacts with many partners, such as Japan, the
Republic of Korea
and the ASEAN states. We highly value the role that the investors coming
from those
countries play in the process of modernizing Poland. We are closely
following the emergence
in Asia of two supra-regional powers: China and India, with which we intend
to develop
economic cooperation and political dialog. However, it is worth emphasizing
that we will
also test our strength elsewhere – for example in Latin America and Africa –
where we see
good prospects for mutually advantageous cooperation. Let me add, that it
was perhaps
somewhat reckless of us to miss the opportunities for political and economic
cooperation with
those countries where Poles had once been present in large numbers and
active in supporting
the local economies. I will not mention them all here, but this problem is
on my mind and I
would like to strengthen the cooperation especially with those states, where
Polish experts
were so very active.
Honorable Members,
I realize that I have not referred to many countries deserving friendly
mention. I certainly was
not guided by the well-known saying that a diplomat remembers what to
forget. I focused on
matters and issues rather than on respective states, keeping in mind that
the status of relations
with this or that country in Polish foreign policy will be best revealed
through joint resolution
of these matters.
Mister Speaker,
Members of the House,
All the plans and undertakings, which I have presented, require appropriate
staffing and
organizational decisions. The ambitious plans of our activity within the
European Union
necessitate further consolidation and professionalization of the Polish
foreign service,
incorporating the hitherto separate segments of the administration concerned
with Union
issues. This will take place through the merger of the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs and the
Office of the Committee of European Integration, resulting in a new
character of the Ministry.
The combining of foreign and union affairs in a single structure will allow
greater
effectiveness and improved coordination. It will also bring tangible savings
due to the joining
of institutions whose tasks have overlapped to some degree.
Another important area of foreign service reform will involve the
establishment of a
professional corps of economic diplomats, unambiguously subordinated to the
foreign
minister. At the same time, we will create an agency for promotion of
exports and
investments. It will lend support to Polish entrepreneurs, especially those
debuting on new
markets, and help to stimulate influx of foreign investments to Poland. We
expect that an
optimally effective and professional operation of the two segments in the
economic aspects of
Polish foreign policy will quickly produce tangible financial benefits for
the state.
The aforementioned changes in the activity of the Polish diplomatic service
will make it
possible to rationalize a substantial part of state expenditures on foreign
policy, thanks to a
judicious reduction of administrative and maintenance structures – and the
related costs, and
also thanks to a richer array of instruments in diplomatic work. The MFA
will present a
project of rationalization of the network of Polish missions abroad, so that
they ensure
optimum implementation of the state’s interests and appropriate presentation
of the country’s
image. Still, justified savings should not imply unjustified restrictions
and desistance. The
peculiarity of diplomatic work is also determined by visible, though not
excessive, attributes
of prestige, such as the condition of diplomatic facilities, a suitable car
pool, and finally
diplomats’ salaries. The stature of a country and its economic potential is
judged on the basis
of these attributes. I wish to state emphatically that Poland spends
substantially less money on
its diplomatic activity than most of our neighbors – new members of the
European Union. The
condition of many Polish diplomatic facilities is glaringly incompatible
with elementary
standards, not to mention their prestige function. The effective
remuneration of members of
the foreign service is far below the salaries of diplomats from the new
member states of the
Union. This causes tensions and undermines morale. I appeal for this state
of affairs to be
changed. Excessive savings on diplomacy turn out to be very costly in the
final account.
We intend to energize the efforts to promote our politicians, diplomats,
economists and other
experts as candidates to senior posts – especially in the European Union,
but also within the
UN system and global and regional organizations. This will give us
influence, commensurate
with our role and potential, on the decisions and undertakings of these
institutions.
Mister President,
Mister Speaker,
Mister Prime Minister,
Members of the House,
Poland, from its very beginnings, has been part of the Western world. Today,
it integrally
belongs to the system of Western institutions, and in its daily practice
endorses its values and
spirit. Together with the whole West, together with the whole responsible
international
community, we confront new, often difficult and dangerous challenges. The
way we cope
with them will determine our security and our civilizational advancement,
our position in
Europe and in the world. They say that you should honor the past, and roll
up your sleeves as
you face the future. Polish diplomats are ready for the job.
Thank you for your attention.
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